Community Action Politics Explained: Why Should Nationalists Contest Council Polls?

Jim Saleam and another

The following pamphlet was first published in 2004. Some minor editing of the original document has occurred.


The Australian nationalist cause is best represented by the Australia First Party (AFP). This pamphlet is composed in six simple sections is to assist in the construction of this party and to otherwise define how its politics can be advanced via the encouragement of people's action at the basic municipal unit of government and society: the council area. This new politics is conveniently labelled - 'community action'.

There are of course, other parties and organizations that might be characterised as 'patriotic' in a general way (One Nation Party, Great Australians and so forth).

Australia First for its part, is representative of an ideology and politics which articulates a definition of the Australian identity, which defines the ideas of Australian independence and freedom and that seeks to mobilise the people behind a movement of action. We are 'patriots', yes, but something more. We respect and revere our country, but we also seek to live by its ideals - and shape society anew. We are 'conservatives' in that we seek to 'conserve' the best of yesteryear; but we are nationalists who know that much of the past was tainted by Australia's subservience to all-things foreign. We seek therefore in the modern context, to liberate our country (politically, economically, culturally) of the impositions of globalisation. There can be no 'going back', as some so-called conservatives may dream - only going forwards! Because we have this vision, we are critical towards (if still fair-minded about) the other parties of patriotism.

Local government (and thence local community) action has not been part of the strategy/tactics of other nationalist and patriotic groups. We offer reasons why it should be now and how matters can proceed into a system of action - 'community action'. We seek therefore to do what these other parties promised to do - and never have. But most of all, we seek to do it because it is demanded by the Australian people. We seek to create a 'party' at local level, but a very different type of party to pursue Community Action politics.

This pamphlet can be read by the new activist as well as those who had endured that which, for the last few years, has been dubbed 'patriotic politics' in Australia. It is our hope the new approach will move the struggle forwards.

The pamphlet has an Afterword which puts forward a draft constitution for a 'registered party' for the purposes of contesting council polls in New South Wales. The model conduct as described (if not the same legal prescriptions) - applies throughout Australia.

1. The Election Of Some One Nation Councillors: What Was Not Done. What Could Have Been Done.

Some people who were members of the One Nation (ON) party approached the nationalists when it was first mooted that we were proposing to contest the 2004 council polls. We were bluntly told: 'look it's been done before; it led nowhere; the real thing is Federal and State polls.' And we hadn't even mentioned that our scheme would be part of a wider plan!

The election of some One Nation councillors in the period 1998-9 in different parts of the country was an adjunct to the development of that party. That party never particularly pursued the local government area as a suitable place to gain representation. It seemed thereafter to effectively ignore the representatives it had won there. The last of them disappeared in New South Wales with the March 2004 poll. It is ironic to think that had the One Nation party applied most of its resources, not to the hopeless Federal and State polls (bar perhaps a few strong campaigns here and there and possibly one in the case of Hanson personally), but to the councils, it might now be the strongest 'party' at local level right across the country.

But, so what? - says the arm-chair expert. Now, of course, it is our criticism that One Nation was, in fact, not a nationalist party, but a peculiar organizational lash-up of 'conservatives' (unmatured, raw) from the Liberal and National parties, some blue-collar protest activists, the cadre of some patriotic groups and many inexperienced older persons of sincere intent - all under the leadership of a lady of courage, if limited intelligence. It was a cocktail for a political disaster. The 'untutored' and the opportunistic came up with the obvious plan, and given empty vessels make the most noise, they 'carried' everyone else. They would contest Federal and State polls; they would hopefully acquire representation there and move on to become a 'balance of power' or even a 'future government one day'. In watery, feel-good terms, and with their Joan of Arc inspiring the troops, they entered into electoral contest. On the enemy's territory, by the enemy's rules, on a day of choosing by the enemy, they thundered onto the electoral battlefields, and after a few brash successes - they were utterly routed. By October 1998, eighteen months after the foundation of the party, the ON went into decline. Sadly, in terms of the bigger picture, ON pulled much of what passed as patriotic politics in Australia - into the swirling plug-jole. Organizational residue still litters the political scene.

Let us assume however, that this party had opted, against all which its knowledge of the world of politics told it was true, to apply its resources to the local scene, what might have occurred? The ON councillors who were actually elected were essentially decent people. Of course, as we said, the general 'problem' with ON was that it was never a nationalist party; its policies were 'soft', media driven, electorally oriented. There was no fundamental world-view beneath the policy leaflets and the leader's pronouncements. Nonetheless, the membership had a proper regard for their country and set out to represent the people's fundamental desires for security, employment and their pride in, at the least, a folksy expression of the national identity and ethos. The ON councillors were those type of people, and we commend them accordingly. However, given the surge in ON support in 1997-98, there is little doubt that the party could have been the dominant or 'balance of power' force in just about every council in Australia it chose to contest. On that basis, what could have been done?

Making allowances for the ON 'ideology', there is no doubt that this party would have altered the very fabric of grassroots-political life in the country. And this foreshadows what it is we are saying here. Reasonably, ON councillors could have done the following table of things:

a. Through energetic use of the less-censored local media, they could have developed a truly popular, but intelligent style, explaining policy and rendering it 'concrete' in people's minds.

b. By lobbying to cut off council funding of all un-Australian and anti-Australian causes and groups, a chord would have been struck with ratepayers, indeed all patriotic people. Further, by eliminating the perverse pseudo-culture (multi-culti, 'tolerance' lifestyle-ism and so on) which pervades Australian official life, appropriate 'counter' sentiments in the community could - right now - be generating themselves from Australia's rich cultural heritage and from plain common sense.

c. By fighting to bring Citizens' Initiated Referendum (CIR) to local government, the exposure of system-party politics could have been initiated. The big parties do not want CIR. Some councils could have been compelled to adopt it. With CIR, the councillors could have initiated any number of proper and popular projects

d. In becoming model councillors, attuned to the needs of ordinary people, the broad contact and support base for the party could only have been massively extended, something of sure use in other electoral contests.

e. By using their status and rights as councillors, determined activist leaders could have been in the forefront of all local popular contests from industrial disputes over cheap labour and plant closures, through to crime and personal security matters and the funding and organizing of festivals and events which celebrate and confirm the Australian identity. The local ON councillor could have become a veritable tribune of the people.

All these things were not done. They could have been done. Should they have been attempted? Yet, they were not even thought of because the ON's ideology and the political application of this 'ideology' never contained a reflective component which addressed the very nature of the State Power in Australia - ie. how Australia is 'ruled' and 'governed'. In hind-sight, the reader will probably say, after reading our basic analysis above, and then after pondering the Local Government road: "well we couldn't have done any worse if we'd gone that way!". Once the reader accepts that proposition, we can ask ourselves whether a party in fact equiped with a nationalist perspective, willing to organise people at the grassroots, sensibly 'confrontational', permanently active and 'counter-cultural', might not have long-ago sunk deep roots amongst the Australian People?? To ask the question is to answer it instinctively in the affirmative. Let us now check if our instincts are right. And then ask: can it still be done?

2. International Experiences Of General Relevance To Our Struggle.

We are Australian nationalists. However, this does not mean that we are 'porochial' and therefore fail to note the obvious: the forces of internationalism are doing to Australia the same things they are doing to every European country. National identities and folk communities are being destroyed by a set of complex processes and actual thought-out policies whereby state elites are pushing the changes. There is resistance to this internationalism (now in its 'globalization' phase) in many countries. Groups and parties have come forward to fight back. They try some methods and they experiment. Occasionally, they find successful strategies and suitable tactics. We can look at these things and apply what we can. Why not? If it works?

The idea of a grassroots local political and electoral strategy has served an array of European 'national parties'. Whilst we also have very strong Australian reference points for our proposition, we shall refer firstly to these foreign examples.

Over the last few years, considerable media attention has been directed at the British National Party (BNP) because it won a number of council seats in various districts in 2003. This was an earthquake in British politics and was perceived as such by the state parties. In 2008, the BNP reached 100 seats. In the British case, the decay of British urban life, the asylum seeker invasion, the crime, the discrimination by the state against native Britons, the feelings of powerless to affect national change, produced a reactive result. The BNP had switched tactics - away from hopeless street parades with the usual state-sponsored Trotskyite street demonstrators in attendance and participation in national elections. It meant listening to local people and making a commitment to - at the very least - letting their concerns be known. The BNP has taken up the defence of local historical and cultural heritage; it has struggled to, as per the powers of British local authorities, answer the predominance of liberal propaganda in libraries and schools. It has provided rallying points for citizens to come out in public as nationalists. All this is positive and can be adapted. Its councillors articulate resistance in their districts, engender publicity and try to lessen the impact of state policy upon the ordinary citizen.

The local government strategy option had also been embraced by other groups on the old Continent. The Italian group, Third Position, initiated the argument way back in 1979. It involved sinking local roots in 'depressed' communities. It meant addressing local issues such as crime, immigration, unemployment, proving to local people that by defending one's heritage and identity and livelihood locally - that a 'difference' could be made. This strategy has been carried on in one way or another in Italy ever since. The idea has also inspired the French National Front of Jean-Marie Le Pen, who used it to launch the break-in to the mainstream by the party after 1983 and which has sustained its support base thereafter. Le Pen's strategists were aware that at a local level they could 'compete' with the Establishment parties. Here, people were more likely to judge policies and people. At a local level, the Front could be seen to act directly in the service of the people, by standing up for the unemployed, the youth, the elderly. It could rally physically into the streets, the picket lines and the meeting places, far larger numbers of people than if it was an isolated electoralist sect. As a grassroots phenomenon, it was a popular movement. The same be said of the German National Democratic Party which holds innumerable council seats, particularly in the eastern part of the country.

It should be the case that Australian Nationalists study closely these foreign examples. The application of a new general model is suggested by these examples. But of course, the foreign examples are not decisive unless we have some local case material to corroborate it as a viable possible alternaive.

3. The Australian Experience Of Grassroots Activism

Grassroots activism has a long history in Australia. It has been organized by different bodies for very different purposes. All examples of useful strategies are 'neutral' as to the vehicle which espoused them. Therefore, if we refer to two particular examples - the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) and the Australian League Of Rights (ALOR) - we are not concerned with the specific ideologies of these groups. Similarly, if we refer to other groups which may have taken up aspects of the grassroots systems from either of our primary examples, we are not passing any particular view of the general 'correctness' or propriety of these groups either.

In the case of the CPA in the period of the 1930's down to the early 1960's, we see an attempt to develop power at the actual 'street level'. The CPA was active mobilising residents in poor suburbs during the Great Depression with rent strikes, anti-eviction demonstrations, industrial strike actions at local factories, support for unemployed families and so forth. Communists could act 'openly' as militants but often did not reveal their actual party connections. Some publicly proclaimed communists meantime were elected to councils where they acted as 'tribunes' for local grievances over a wide range of concerns. However, their concealed function (to act as agents for activist mobilisation), should also be of interest to us. As permanent 'agitators', they were available to not only preach the virtues of their doctrine but to shepherd people towards it. We see in the case of the CPA two things: the localisation of agitation and the creation of structures at a base level, up to and including, representation in municipal government. In various ways, the CPA continued this system for three decades, ensuring the survival of communism as not merely a 'party', but as a social movement and tradition which would 'naturally' recruit new activists.

Now some wiseacres might say: what has all this to do with the great and glorious communist revolution the CPA was seeking? Well, if the critic can't see what the CPA was doing, then there is a real problem in political understanding. It survived, acted, participated, prepared, doing whatever it could to 'be there' to take advantage of political openings to foment 'change'. All up, it was no mean achievement.

In the case of the ALOR in the period from the late 1960's down to about 1975, we observe an attempt to influence politics at the basic level through autonomous Voter Policy Associations (VPA's). The ALOR set up these informal structures which investigated local issues, wrote letters to politicians, media and prominent persons on these issues and agitated (even if in a restrained way) to highlight their concerns. The VPA model was focused on matters of national concern, but it had a bias towards interpreting these things through local affairs. The VPA could expose a certain course in ultra-liberalism at a school, or fight for farmers' rights against rapacious banks or demand action on some local concern from politicians on all levels.

The ALOR, whilst it was often indicted by younger elements for not taking a more aggressive posture, was able to focus dissent while not always exposing publicly the connections of those who took on the leading roles. It could weather the ups and downs of political life. These VPA units were localised, possessing the virtue of secrecy and familiarity with the immediate political environment. It is clear the coalface activist was an effective unit. Of course, the ALOR did not seek elective offices of any sort, although it did tacitly support others.

We could mention various other organizations from Australia's past which also practised a grassroots activism; some participated in municipal campaigning. In part, the Labor Party did some of this in its earlier days. The National Civic Council did too, moulding this in with trade union work. However, our point is to combine the grassroots activism with participation in city and shire council elections. We are not saying many will be elected straight off, but we are saying it will happen in some areas. Our point is to participate in a process which is 'legitimate' in the eyes of the people, one which confers some advantages and which can be utilised to broaden and deepen our constituency amongst the people. We are saying that this road is part of an overall method that manages to render complex issues real and which can therefore leap over the hurdles of media propaganda and big-party organization. Given it has worked in Australia before, there is no reason to presuppose that we cannot resurrect the method.

4. The Rights And Responsibilities Of Local Government

If we understand the powers and responsibilities of local government, we are trying to find the suitable points of entry for a new politics. We necessarily refer to the New South Wales Local Government Act (1993). We advise Nationalists in other States to consult their respective legislation, but this Act serves the present discussion.

Of course, this Act describes the formal powers of local government in New South Wales, modes of election of candidates, codes of conduct and so forth. Our candidates will study this Act. The Nationalists note that at various places in the Act the question of ecology is stressed. For example, at Section 7 (e), it is said that a Council is to "have regard for the principles of ecologically sustainable growith." This has a number of applications. Further, at Section 360A "places and items of Aboriginal significance" are mentioned and at Section 364, we read:

"Core Objectives for management of community land categorised as an area of cultural significance: (i) Objectives - "...retain and enhance the cultural significance of the area (namely its Aboriginal, aesthetic, archaeological, historical, technical or research or social significance) for past, present or future generations by the active use of conservation methods."

Now, we have already said that local government participation and localisation of our politics is important (see below also). Here we see that there are ecological-cultural questions that can be mobilized into ground-level propaganda and public campaigning. The Aboriginal cultural question could be a useful one in separating those people usually concerned with 'indigenous rights' from those who support mass immigration from Asian countries, 'asylum seeker' open-borders ideology and housing developments (for them) at any cost. It also follows that the survival and enrichment of the Australian culture is a question that councils have to balance into the equation. In the defence of Australian culture and its environment we will organize a new generation of Nationalist activists and other concerned patriotic people.

Of course, we will confront the official state ideology of multiculturalism - or 'multi-culti' as we prefer to call it. In a Councils' Charter, as set out at Section 8 of the Act, we read of the "principles of multiculturalism" being a guide to the enactments and actions of a Council. Indeed. Usefully, we also read that "no civil action" can result from any particular allegation of failure in relation to the charter principles.

The struggle against multi-culti begins in our streets, suburbs and council chambers. The struggle for our Aboriginal and native-Australian pasts, as distinct from the Third World capitalist order being imposed upon our land, is part of the base of local government, to be contested over sure, but there. In defending our heritage, we oppose the impositions of an alien lifestyle and future that has no place for us - and we can do it as the law provides!

The struggle for a city and country life where the Australian lifestyle may continue to make for a unique social order, begins in our streets, suburbs, cities and country towns - and council chambers.

We may have a vision spendid for a new nation. But we must begin somewhere and make our struggle count with ordinary people. It is clear this piece of legislation offers an avenue. Consider the office of mayor (Division Two of the Act) with its "civic and ceremonial functions", a brake upon the anti-Australian economics, politics and cultural-terrorism of our elites. But more practically, the office of councillor, where we can act directly in the service of the Australian people, beckons to us.

5. Reorienting And 'Localising' The Nationalist Patriotic Struggle: The Idea Of Community Action

Up to this point in time, the supposed parties of patriotism have been misdirecting their energies to contesting only Federal and State polls, but more gravely, they have operated only as electoral groups and thus have failed to develop an 'ideology', a proper politics and an organization able to carry the fight on in every social sector and area.

We have now 'registered' a party in New South Wales for council contests (it was too late to register for 2004 hence all our candidates were officially 'independents'), some people could ponder whether we were simply replicating on a local level all the mistakes that have occurred at 'Federal' and 'State' levels. In other words: between council polls our party goes to sleep, holds boring members gatherings to keep the pulse ticking over, issues a few (unreported) press releases, pesters members to keep themselves registered with us etc. No! We wish to reorient nationalist politics.

Issues of national politics such as immigration, environment, economic globalisation (just to name a few key ones), are not traditionally thought of as the concern of local government. Many people conceive of local government as a more 'practical' thing, involving itself in parks, sewers and libraries, with the occasional foray into some 'development' question. Of course, local government does have this aspect. But it can be considered as a place to conduct political struggle.

How would 'localisation' work? We remind you of the sections above dealing with what could have been achieved by the ON councillors and concerning Australian grassroots politics. Our aim is both to construct power in the community and to acquire influence over local government affairs. It is a united arrangement that can then sustain other direct action campaigns and other types of electioneering.

Our plan implies that branches of the party no longer conceive of themselves as utilities in the service of vote-gathering, but rather as 'agitational' structures. We must be familiar with our area and locate issues (a factory closure, an environment question, a development matter, a crime problem, ethnic ghettoisation and anti-Australian racism .... the list is endless) and research those issues. From that research must emerge a local propaganda. The questions are of course 'national' matters, but we must identify them as subjects directly in front of, and affecting, the citizen. We point out that our party must possess a general policy for local government and a changing issue-politics; in other words, we have core principles and related material taken up as occasion permits and as in accordance with our core purposes.

This local propaganda must be directed to obtain local media exposure and to 'harass' local officials, councillors and politicians. Most of all, it must intensify and develop local organization. The aim of the party is not simply to acquire more members on paper, but to assemble larger networks of friends and sympathizers who agree with this or that campaign or policy and who may be prepared to assist the party on this basis. On occasion, this agitation may affect the odd decision of local government or even intensify the 'division' over some local question. This is together, the very definition of Community Action politics.

The party must find suitable candidates in chosen council and shire wards to carry these policies into the election. Again, the aim is not necessarily to 'win', but to develop local party organization. If we did win, the new councillor would act in accordance with the platform upon which he/she was elected, not only as a 'representative' of the people in the council, but also as a tribune of the Australian people. By relying upon Community Action, our candidates can rightly say they place the Community First, an essential element of our stand for Australia First.

6. The Campaign Of 2004 In New South Wales - And After

In 2004, we offered a number of candidates in different cities and shires across New South Wales. That was a major effort for a small organization, even given that the number of candidates was not be great. It was not being done for 'votes'. It was not being done in the hope we would do well and move on to more 'exciting' pastures. Quite the contrary, it was a start in a new type of politics. We polled small returns.

The next election is different because the nationalists have matured and gained experience. It will be different because an electoral contest is being conducted, not as a thing in itself, but as one means to a composite end.

As we have outlined in this Internet pamphlet, we wish to 'localise' national issues, rendering them immediate and personal. For a long time some patriotic people have said: Australians won't move until it's in their own back-yard. Possibly so. Well, we wish to present the issues to them 'up front and personal'. And we offer two things: the chance to elect local representatives who will fight and the opportunity to mobilise people directly in their own communities to change attitudes and build resistance.

This campaign will be the first where we can demonstrate a base support. At by-elections for positions in New South Wales thereafter, and we hope at all council elections in other parts of the Nation also, Australia First candidates (true community first "independents") will come forward. We have registered a party (as below) in New South Wales in 2007 to contest polls thereafter in its name.

But if we focus our politics to where people are, we believe we can build the movement. If we act as we have described, we will be laying the basis of a mighty movement of national resistance.



Constitution Of 'The Australia First ‘Council Elections’ Party' (Local Government Act 1993)

Part One: Definitions And Purpose.

  1. The name of the party shall be the Australia First ‘Council Elections’ Party or as shortened for appropriate public usage: either Australia First Party or Australia First; hereafter in this Constitution, it is termed - ‘the party’.
  2. The party recognises that it is an entity created under the New South Wales Local Government Act (1993) and formed therefore to contest council polls in the State of New South Wales. The conduct of the party is therefore subject to this legislation.
  3. The party recognises that it is an entity formed by members of the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated, a body incorporated under the New South Wales Associations Incorporation Act and at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, a shortly to be federally registered political party. The party does not consider that it is an entity with a corporal identity and general purpose separate from the requirements of this parent body, the exigencies of the relevant New South Wales legislation not withstanding. The party, allowing for the needs of its electors and its members, shall affect its business in accordance with the parent party and its Constitution.
  4. Part Two: Electoral Programme And Its Purpose

  5. The electoral programme of the party shall be that issued by its committee at the formation of the party and its members and candidates shall affirm their loyalty to it. Electoral campaign matter shall be issued with reference to, and be consistent with, the programme. It is nonetheless the purpose of the programme and the members of the party and its candidates to encourage independent attitudes and independent councillors in Local Government
  6. The programme may be changed by majority vote at a conference of the party.
  7. The first electoral programme of the party is now described and taken to have been adopted by the foundation members. It may be changed from time to time in accordance with the present Constitution.


This programme is put forward to the people, not to narrow the fight for political change to the activities of one party, but to broaden and deepen every aspect of independent politics at the Local Government level. The party fights for the following principles and will support any candidate who espouses any of the following points.

  1. To open the office of mayor and shire president to direct popular election.
  2. To adopt Citizens’ Initiated Referenda (CIR) in every Local Government area, either by decision of the relevant council, or by persuasion at State Government level that it legislate for CIR for the whole State; and to encourage citizens to exercise their direct popular rights of initiative.
  3. To support all independent candidates to achieve office when and where their beliefs are not inimical to those of Australian identity, independence and freedom.
  4. To protect, defend and promote public awareness of, in every Local Government area, all aspects of Australia’s Heritage as a European society with a unique national culture and tradition.
  5. To refuse all funding and support for those efforts of Federal and State governments that undermine Australia’s Heritage.
  6. To introduce binding contracts of service on all elected representatives.
  7. To sponsor the phased growth of local control over areas of government which directly impact upon the lives of the citizen, and where this may prove impossible by the dead weight of existent legislation, to organize the weight of local public opinion via popular mobilization to achieve this goal.
  8. To sponsor, particularly in country areas of the State, grassroots action committees. These committees should become informal groupings of patriotic people and other concerned citizens, outside of the party, and answerable to local people.

    Such committees should organize to transform their areas/towns into multicultural-free zones, to support every manifestation of Australian patriotism and heritage and every campaign in their defence; they could mobilize to ensure community control over local societies and associations and at the grassroots ensure the moral rearmament and re-culturation of their fellow Australians. Such committees could play a role in popular struggles to enforce the rights of farmers and workers against the interests of the banks and other authorities. In a counter-power struggle against dominant liberal-globalist ideology, such organs of popular initiative could lead the fight for CIR and subsequently formulate proposals for their communities.


Part Three: Members And Requirements

  1. Any person who is 18 years and who is an enrolled voter, or is entitled to be an enrolled voter, may join the party upon payment of a $5.00 fee.
  2. Fees need only be paid once upon application for membership; however, the secretary may levy the fee annually, if so required.
  3. The committee may refuse to accept a membership upon whatever grounds it sees fit.
  4. All members of the party may, upon request and the payment of the relevant fee, join the parent party, the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated. It is not necessary that they do so as long as members accept those special purposes for which the present party was constituted.
  5. The committee may expel a member if it considers the said membership is prejudicial to the conduct of the party.
  6. All candidates of the party shall also be members of the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated.
  7. All committee members of the party shall be members of the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated. If they are not in good standing with the said party at any time in the life of the party, they are excluded from the exercise of their administrative functions in the party.

    Part Four: Administration

  9. The administration of the party shall be exercised by those officers defined by the Local Government Act (1993) as: the Registered Officer, the Deputy Registered Officer, the Party Agent and the Secretary. These officers shall be known as the committee of the party and govern it according to this Constitution. The officers who first register the party shall be taken to be the first committee and their election assented to by those members who affirmed their membership to the New South Wales Electoral Commission. The party shall operate from whatever address the committee shall decide.
  10. The committee shall call an annual general meeting of the party upon thirty days notice to the members. All members may submit to the Secretary any item for discussion or any draft resolution and the Secretary shall prepare an agenda. It is a constitutional requirement that the party conducts its annual general meeting in accordance with the general rules of the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated.
  11. The annual general meeting shall:

  1. Elect officers from any candidates to the committee. All candidates for the offices shall nominate within seven days after the meeting is called. Any changes shall be advised to the Electoral Commission as soon as possible thereafter.
  2. Discuss and resolve any business on the agenda. All matters shall be decided by majority vote.
  3. Discuss and resolve other business where the incumbent Registered Officer of the party of the preceding year, who shall act as meeting chairman, may give permission for its addition to the agenda. A vote of sixty per cent from the floor of the meeting may compel a matter be added to the agenda.

  1. The committee shall meet as is necessary to conduct the affairs of the party, shall keep records of its meetings which must be available to members at the annual general meeting, and function in accordance with its legal responsibilities to the Local Government Act (1993). It shall also operate in unison with the appropriate officers of the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated.


Part Five: Accounts And Records.

The Party Agent and the Secretary shall operate and otherwise maintain all necessary financial accounts and records for the party and report to the annual general meeting. These records shall, as required by the Local Government Act (1993), be necessary for the operation of a registered party and shall be maintained separately from the parent party.


Part Six: Dissolution

The party may dissolve itself. Two steps shall be necessary. A majority of members of the committee shall vote accordingly and call a special general meeting for the discussion of the matter. If a vote be then taken in the affirmative by a majority of the members, the party shall stand dissolved. All assets shall be constitutionally bound to be donated, after the payment of any outstanding accounts, to the Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated.


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