An Introduction to

     Party Of The Nation:
An Introduction To The Australia First Party

Philosophy, Methods And The Rights And Obligations Of Membership


Sydney: April 25 2010






This booklet aims to introduce you to some of the ideas which underlie the existence of the Australia First Party (AFP). It has been compiled after discussion amongst our most experienced party members, all of whom share a deep love for our people - the Australian People - and its history, culture and traditions and our Native Soil whence it grows.


The booklet is intended to be read by those Australians who wish to take membership in the Australia First Party, or who have membership in the party and who seek to gain an insight into the democratic principles and decision making structure of the party and the rights and obligations of Party Members and its method..


Other booklets covering subjects such as our organizational principles, how to set up branches and how AFP members actually make a difference in the struggle, will be available for the ongoing development and education of the new member. These will include titles such as “The Constitution And Rules of Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated”, “The Branch Activities Manual” and “The Australia First Starter Kit”.


The Eight Core Policies of the Australia First Party are clear and open and the way they are applied - equally so. In the long run, all the distortions and lies about the Party’s principles spread by our opponents in the big parties and media only serve to show, by contrast, the correctness of our cause. We are sure to become a great Australian people’s party fighting to secure Australia’s Identity, Independence and Freedom.


Equally, the organizational principles of the Australia First Party are an open book. The truth about the Party and its methods of work is vastly different from the fantasies occasionally spread by the mass media which pictures the Party as a mysterious and sinister operation of persons, who by their challenge to liberalism and globalism – are less than human


It is of course true that the organizational principles of the Australia First Party differ from those of other parties. That is because the aims and policy of the Party are different, Organizational principles arise from and serve its political aims, and a genuine party of Australianism must be so organized as to enable it to carry on the struggle to realize these aims.


This booklet may be revised over time.


Sydney, May, 2010






The Eight Core Policies of the Australia First Party are simple and direct.  They are unlike the policies of all the other political parties,  whose ‘policies’ are inspired either from the desire  to buy votes at election time, or introduced to serve minority, yet powerful, vested interests.


The Australia First Party policies are different, because they are intended to serve the whole Australian People, without fear or favour; They are certainly not offered to ‘buy’ votes, but to win the trust and confidence of the Australian People who have suffered too many decades of lies and betrayal at the hands of “Politicians” and those who pay them. These policies are ‘nationalist’ in inspiration, because they serve this nation and not another state, not any multinational entity, nor the amorphous thing called the ‘global economy’.


What makes the Australia First Party unique is that its policies are inspired by a definite, immutable and distinctly Australian philosophy. A philosophy emanating from the very soul of the Australian People themselves and rooted in their own traditions, culture and history!


This philosophy is unique, as it alone recognises the existence of the Australian People as a readily identifiable ethnic group, distinct from the other peoples of the world in language, way of life, value system and expectations of freedom and quality of life.


This philosophy recognises Australia, not only as a unique environment, but also as the true home and habitat of only the Aboriginal Peoples and the Australian People. Australia’s landscape, its flora and fauna and its two native peoples are all worthy of protection and preservation. Australia’s two native peoples are deserving of the right to self determination. 


This philosophy sees the Commonwealth of Australia, not just as an empty phrase in the official title applied to our federal government apparatus, but as the description of the way we live together as an Australian People’s Community.


This Philosophy sees that the government, with its many representatives and in all its forms, is not an authority which implements policies to the people, but is the servant of the people, existing for the sole reason of protecting, facilitating and guaranteeing the happiness well-being and continued existence of the Australian People.


This philosophy places ‘the Economy’ at the service of the Australian People. The People are not just a part of ‘the Economy’ or its servants, but its masters. Altruism will be the essential ingredient for our Commonwealth’s healthy economic life, not greed and materialism as is promoted as the case today. Our definition of work is that which aids and contributes to the community, as opposed to living off what has already been produced, which means exploitation, speculation and usury.


This philosophy champions freedom - not the freedom to exploit others, or the freedom to fail in your responsibilities to your family, your mates and your fellow Australians, nor to rape our Native Soil. But the freedom to enjoy, in peace, the rewards of one’s own work, the freedom to share in the wealth of the nation, comes because you are a part of that nation and it is not due to how much power, influence and wealth you already possess.


This philosophy is called Australianism.





The Australian People, as distinct from other ethnic groups who may have been granted Australian Citizenship, is the only ethnic group in Australia without any organisation for its exclusive representation, that is - until the formation of the AFP. In fact the denial of exclusive political or social advocacy on behalf of the Australian People is enshrined in law. The AFP unashamedly exists to end this state of affairs and to replace with Australianism all the “isms” that pollute the life of the Australian People. It aims to make this People sovereign on its own land.


Australianism holds forth that the Australian People are a united, homogeneous community, one great extended family group. It does not matter whether an individual Australian is a production worker, clerical worker, farmer, miner, a proprietor of a small business, the owner and operator of a business enterprise, a manager in an enterprise, a practitioner of a profession or of a skilled trade, a manufacturer of essentials, or creators of art and entertainments, engineers and architects of massive public works, or the mother of our greatest treasure, our Australian children. We all belong to what is the Australian community and all share the same common goals of preservation and advancement of our family, the Australian People.


This is why, compared to the other parties, the Australia First Party is the only truly democratic Party in Australia, as it exists solely to serve the interests of the entire Australian People. The other parties by their own admissions claim to serve, at best, the interests of only a section of the community, at worst, serving those who are foreign to our community, and as we all well know all their actions seem always to end up ultimately serving only the vested interests of the selfish few, a veritable traitor class of money and power which has usurped the state, which owns it and employs it as a weapon against the people.


In the long run, this is the very reason for all the distortions and lies about the Party’s principles, spread by those whom oppose the success of the Australia First Party. The viciousness and intolerance of their opposition only serves to show, by contrast, the correctness of our cause. We alone are the Australian People’s party. Not only is it that we alone fight to guarantee the day to day freedom for the Australian People to enjoy the fruits of their own efforts in peace and security, but we also fight to guarantee the very future existence of the Australians

as a People.


The reality of Australian society is, as we observed, that the majority of its people are working people. A smaller transnational class rules Australia. Made up of large shareholders and property owners, most politicians, key managerial agents, senior bureaucrats, police hierarchies, military and security staff, media directors, major academics and some others, they are a minority and are foreign connected. They have no essential love of Australia, because to them Australia is just a branch office of New World Order Capitalism Inc. These people are the state. They are citizens of the globe, not Australians. They decry the Australian identity. In contrast, the producer classes espouse in one way or another an Australianist hope. Australia is therefore – a class society, but not one as the old-time communists meant it. Class should be understood as much economic/social as it is cultural.


From their viewpoint, the traitor class is quite right in recognising the Australia First Party as their main political enemy, for it is the party that pledges as an act of justice and necessity, their political and economic expropriation.


The Australian people united, the Australian workers, farmers, small-business-people and all those other patriotic working people, are the true creators and sustainers of the Australia First Party.  The producer classes underpin the party, but these classes are in the service of an Australianist social principle borne of the national history. This party has arisen from a long struggle to win Australian independence, which alone – can secure our Australian identity and give to us Australian freedom. This experience included many victories and advances, as well as many setbacks, disappointments and defeats. Yet, we are determined to set this aright.






The AFP continues the struggle for social justice and independence that was begun by the first people who identified themselves as Australians. Independence means the right (in plain language, the power) to decide for ourselves the answers to the questions that concern our welfare and how we are to live our lives.


The members of the Australia First Party derive comfort straight from the knowledge that they themselves continue in the footsteps of the previous great men and women who dreamt and fought for a better Australia.


After more than a century of toil and struggle against the ways of the old world countries, these people who identified themselves as Australians and who had now evolved into the Australians, achieved the historical settlement of 1901 known as “Federation”, an event which was unique in world history. In 1901 a newly emerged ethnic group, the Australian People, through a non violent mass people's democratic process, created the legal foundations of a modern Nation State. It was the beginning of a formal process of Nation-building. However, it was also a concession to this great movement of nationalism, granted by the former Empire and the class groups that served it.


Federation gave us three pillars which our founding fathers intended to guarantee the future independence and welfare of The Australian People –  Identity Protection, Industrial Protection and Social Protection. Legislation to achieve these things was the political manifestation of Australianism. 


Identity Protection, the Immigration Restriction Act, not for the purpose of offending others, but as the democratic act of self identification by the Australian People. Industrial Protection, to create an internal market for future development and job security. The Social Protection legislation that was to be the foundation for securing economic fairness or a more commonly known then as Social Justice and equality of opportunity - and a safety net for disadvantaged Australians.


This ‘settlement’ was far from perfect (we know the Empire had conspired against and continued to conspire against the Identity legislation), but it was designed to allow for future progress towards the near UTOPIA dreamt of these, our forebears. It was shamelessly labelled The Workingman’s Paradise. The results of establishing these foundations made the way the Australian People were living together, the envy of the world.


Australian political history has been shaped by the struggle between those who shared the idea of an Australian Community committed to the advancement and wellbeing of that community and those who were blind to this idea and who, because they themselves were foreign to our sense of community, never hesitated to work with that which is foreign to our Australian community.  This group set out to selfishly advance itself at the expense of the community.


This struggle could ebb and flow with the hope of eventually being won so long as our community shared a consensus of what was right and wrong and Australia was fundamentally ethnically homogenous. But since 1966, when the first of the three pillars established at Federation, Identity Protection, also known as ‘The White Australia Policy’ was UNDEMOCRATICALLY removed, we saw the beginning of a process which would not only restrain Australianism temporarily, but which would change the very composition of Australian society so that the idea of the Australian community, Australianism, would find it difficult to again ascend to its rightful place as the idea which guided our government and society.


After 1966, the remainder principles of Australianism were continually attacked by our foreign-connected traitor class. A resistance movement began which has ebbed and flowed ever since, drawing in wider sections of the people, just as the traitor class has pushed harder to globalise Australia. We now live in the final epoch where the nationalist and the globalist forces will fight for a final result.




THE UN-AUSTRALIAN CLASS that today has the power, has too much at stake to give up its vested interests simply because the majority of the people want that, or because it is in the common interest of the Australian people.


Today the powers of the government are more firmly in the hands of this class and as we have seen they will use the power of the government without regard for democratic rights or even the laws of the land itself. The history of Australia is replete with historical examples.


The famous rebellion of Eureka Stockade of 1854 was put down with murderous force.


In the 1890’s, when the shearers and maritime workers of Australia defended their living standards and their right to organise themselves politically, THE SYSTEM employed the police, troops and the courts to prevent them. A premier of Queensland, Sir Thomas McIlwraith, spoke “as a member of the Government and the Australian Pastoralists’ Association and demanded action. The armed shearers’ camps of outback Queensland were attacked by special constables and troops and a show trial organised of the strike leaders, while in Melbourne Colonel Price sent his troops into action against wharfies with the order “Fire low and lay ’em out.”   


After the N.S.W. General Strike of 1917, an official Commission published a report on the struggle, and summed up the then ruling class attitude to legality in these words: “It was recognised that there are times of civil commotion ‘when for the sake of legality itself the rules of law must be broken.’ ”


In the depression of the thirties, Australians fought back against the foreign minded, (it was then British imperialism, which today has been superseded by Globalism ) - wealthy elite. This led to the dismissing of the legally elected NSW State government of Jack Lang. The Old Guard and the New Guard were organised to fight the nationalist labour movement under Jack Lang and backed by the wealthiest citizens who called Lang’s Australianism – communism.


The Chifley Government’s 1947 proposal to nationalise the banks was met by a violent campaign. It is well known that this campaign was organised and financed by the banks, but less is known of the ‘Association’, a clandestine gang, the leaders of which later moved on into the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation. They were formed for the purpose of abuse, misrepresentation and open threats of violence to prevent Chifley from giving Australians control over their own money supply.


The un-Australian foreign minded wealthy elite have only grown stronger since 1947, when Chifley’s Bank Nationalisation Plan (and thus the dream of Australian as a co-operative Commonwealth) was defeated. Today their greatest weapon against us is the mass media.


As far back as 1922 the future Prime Minister John Curtin wrote; “It is clear to all that democracy is now confronted by dangers arising from the power of the Press (which) serves the interests with which the proprietors are associated”. Today, the multi-dimensional media attempts to – and usually succeeds at – mobilising Australians against their own national interest.


In our independent Australia, the producers of wealth — workers, farmers, small businesspeople and other patriotic working people —will develop an economy that is sustainable in Australia’s natural circumstances and one which serves the Australian people alone. There will be no depressions or unemployment, no gross poverty no artificial barriers to the growth of production, no rampant pollution. When Australia trades it will be to advantage not to feed the international banks and the multinationals and their free-trade utopia.


Instead of over half the nation’s income going to the wealthy few as it does now, the working people will receive the benefit of their labour in increasing living standards and a richer cultural life. Such variations in wealth as may exist will be the reward for genuine inventiveness and application and service to Australia.


The free market model of dog eat dog capitalism will disappear if only because the struggle for the Australian independence necessary to secure Australian identity and freedom will necessarily lead to the political (and economic) expropriation of the traitor class. Nationalist Labor leader, Arthur Calwell, called this, dreamed of this, as a type of Revolution. There could not be, any going back at that point. A new society would have to arise.


Some say this goal is good, but is impossible of achievement. The Australia First Party is certain that Australians will take this road – or perish as a People. It should be obvious to all that such a vision does not inspire the few and they must fight against the future with every weapon at their disposal. The national independence struggle will certainly change Australia.




This Australianist future can only be won in arduous, complicated and difficult struggle.


In times of acute political contention, as noted, the powers of the State are used without regard for democratic rights or even the laws of the State itself. The history of the Australian State has always been one of violence.     


It is truly a social revolution which will bring the producer classes to power in Australia, and this can only be carried through when the majority of Australians not only want a change, but are prepared to take decisive action to bring it about.


Nothing has changed since 1947 when Chifley’s attempt to return to the vision of the co-operative Commonwealth was defeated, except that the State has grown stronger in terms of its ideological and physical armaments. It is armed with mass media, education (sic), surveillance, publically funded deceptions like the major parties and parliaments. But it has a clientele outside of the State power-core who believe its goals are right: certain lifestyle-driven sexual and individualist forces, people who benefit from the consumer system, some ethnic communities, even some leftist and Marxist parties and groups, who by believing in globalism as a principle (they argue over wealth distribution etc), allow themselves to be the hirelings of capital, physically confronting nationalist-minded and patriotic parties and groups..


Such a powerful enemy cannot be defeated except by a united, and determined Australian People. This unity and determination can only be built up under the influence of a leadership which sets out to inspire our People with confidence in their national mission and collective strength.


Regarding democratic rights as being necessary to the people in their struggle against the traitor class, the Australia First Party works to extend democracy. It opposes all attempts to restrict or abolish democratic rights, such as the legal attacks on the right to strike and union independence, the limiting of free speech and free association, and political spying and intimidation by political police and Human Rights commissions and Anti Discrimination tribunals.






Joining the Party is a voluntary act. No one is forced to take this step, nor is membership of the party a road to a career. Our members join together in a voluntary union because they have the same ideals and outlook. They can differ over minor matters, not the central ideas, but bond to work together.


The ideas which unify the Australia First Party are loyalty to the Australian Nation, devotion to its interests, refusal to submit to un-freedom and a desire to work collectively to secure Australian independence.      


Members resist all liberal-globalist influences and ideas, and are not deterred by victimisation, intimidation and force by traitor class agencies and tactics.


Far from believing that ideas are unimportant in society, the Party believes that man’s thinking determines all their actions, including their political activity.


The real question is: what is the source of man’s ideas, and why is there a constant clash and struggle of ideas?


There is a wide gulf between the ideas of Australian People and the traitor class on every important issue. The Australian People uphold their right to Identity, Independence and Freedom, in a world of economic rationalists and cultural relativists, those who ‘accept’ that the Nation must be abolished to serve the utopian vision of a borderless world for the free movement of capital and labour. Since we clash on everything, it is clear there are two world-views in contest. We have a view that values nations, peoples, identities, traditions, freedoms, differences and the other view asserts that all this may be jettisoned in a market place organized globally under the benign rule of liberal elites and corporate leaders. This nationalist principle, which are we proud to espouse, harbours no hatred, no aggressive impulse, no negatives.




The vast majority of people in Australia are neither wealthy, nor directly connected to transnational business, and their structures.


If the workers, farmers and middle class and other working Australians, united together and acted resolutely to end globalism, it would cease to exist.


The traitor class meets this threat by dividing the people, trying to influence their thinking so they accept liberal—globalist capitalism as the only possible form of society. Indeed, generations of Australians have grown up within this emerging moloch and consider its insanities – quite normal.


The traitor class uses many means of influencing the thinking of society. It controls education, literature, the press, films, TV and radio and now (in various ways) can influence strongly the Internet. It is able to count upon the force of tradition in our politics and our life. It can exploit emotion and fear.


The ideas, theories, principles and beliefs of the traitor class, taken as a whole, make up liberal-globalist ideology. This ideology assumes many forms, but all these forms have the same main features. Some forms are liberal in the old sense in that they preach rampant individualism; others espouse economic liberalism; sometimes even pseudo marxist Trotskyite groups advance ideas that serve the regime (support for the free movement of people).


Liberal-globalist thought sneers at the masses of workers and farmers and small business people. It regards the masses of people as the “common herd,” without true ability, playing no part in making Australia’s history, which is made by captains of industry, the great landowners, the bankers and the executives of the multinationals. Any attempt to develop an Australian economy for Australians is decried as backward, impossible, protectionist, and the groups that try to live outside the globalist ‘reality’ are seen in need of “reform”.


Liberal-globalism is held to be the highest form of civilisation, and those who want to change it are called agitators, troublemakers, and “enemies of human rights” In the current situation in Australia they may also be called terrorists and extremists and definitely - racists.


This ideology is a powerful force. However, it is more and more coming into conflict with the realities of life, of world politics and is, being exposed as a false outlook which serves only to the detriment of the Nation.


The flowery phrases of its propaganda about “freedom of the individual” and “spiritual values”, of “democracy” and “liberty and progress”, “human rights”, are wearing thin. All the talk about “free enterprise,” the fairy stories about how ordinary Aussies can become millionaires, and Australia being “a land of opportunity” come hard up against the reality that the rich get richer and more powerful, while the majority of people have to work to produce these riches for the traitor class. Its denial of the Australian identity and heritage is also as clear and the two processes of traitor class control and anti Australian cultural warfare are linked. It is not our country and more people can see it.


It is also very important to realise that the liberal-globalist ideology surrounds us all, and influences our collective behaviour.


Liberal-globalist ideology can be open and in blatant forms. But it is also subtle and insidious, assuming many different disguises to serve the interests of the traitor class. Sometimes, this can appear even in the ranks of the nationalists.




This outlook has been placed before Australian nationalists as a viable option to seeming isolation.


It means trimming from the nationalist message and party anything or anyone which / who is not media-friendly. It is the hope of being favourably presented in the media by changing not just style but position. It is fear of what the enemy media may say that drives them to betray any principle or any person.


Mainstreaming is also put forward in the vain hope of being able to recruit from “ordinary people” – ie. those who still subscribe to liberal ideas and are system-loyal. They might grumble about many things, but they seek to change nothing – at least not yet.


Mainstreaming can appear in many guises and should be challenged whenever it appears and from whomsoever its precepts are uttered.


Mainstreaming is not always clear-cut and consistent. It can appear when people who “don’t wish to be racist” decide that they should advocate “assimilation” of all and sundry into Australia, if they can “just accept our ways” and “speak English”. It can appear when people, tired of being castigated as “fascists” decide that they abandon reference to hard questions of world politics (such as the Zionist question) – and mouth off that they are “really only putting Australia first” by avoiding “irrelevant” things. It can appear when they opt to criticise people who are the targets of media and opposition abuse and decide to get “clean” leaders.


Mainstreaming is naive. Mainstreaming can also be a conscious ploy on the part of some to challenge fundamental nationalist ideas of the Australianist philosophy itself.


Mainstreamers usually trade on their supposed ability to attract the ordinary person and their ‘respectability’. They often talk of one day being able to wheel and deal with the big parties, to be “balances of power”, of being “electable”. They say we are none of those things, because of our “hard” politics and our “bad” image.


W cannot reach the mainstream mass at this time, the seventy per cent who support in one way or the other (from active commitment to passive acceptance), the way liberal-globalist Australia functions. But we can reach Real Australia, those sections of working Australia that have stepped outside of mainstream ideals or political methods. We can refine that. If we cannot reach the mainstream population at this juncture, we will not try! And we do not intend to be sidetracked from building the party as best it can be built – with the resources available!


Therefore, it is a duty of all members to police the party against those who would undermine it from the inside, to report nonsense to party officers and to oppose it directly. It is this direct commitment to cleanse the party of wrong ideas that will make us strong.




The Australia First Party carries on the struggle of ideas all the time, upholding against all attacks of the liberal-globalists, the principles of Australianism, of the new Australian nationalism.


These attacks come from all sides. The mainsteamers assail nationalism, and so do backward ‘conservatives’, those good people who are lost in the past.  Yet there agendas may echo our own in certain ways and people can be deceived.


At present, such ideas are spread to undermine the ideology and politics that underlie the Australia First Party. They challenge our unity and our focus.


The Party has the duty to say to people with such ideas: “If you no longer adopt a nationalist standpoint, and if you reject Australian Nationalism, if you do not like the Australainist ethos, you have a right to do so. But you cannot remain in the Party, since it is a union of like-minded people who accept this ideology and our politics as their way of understanding and changing the country”.


This is the Australianist stand.


A nationalist party can no more allow “freedom” for such ideas than a soccer club would allow freedom for people who are “all for soccer,” but who only want to “change it a little” by introducing an elliptical ball. It is one thing (soccer), or the other (footie).


It is no more possible to conceive a nationalist party in the current situation of un freedom of our country, which allows freedom to advocates of non-nationalist, ideas inside the party, than it would be for an Astronomical Society to allow freedom within it to advocates of the “theory” that the sun revolves around the earth – or who say that the earth is flat or made up of concentric spheres..


The Australia First Party must be marked by the unity of outlook of its members, the very basis of a solid organization. If some people do not like this and cannot abide by this principle, they are welcome to go somewhere else. If they stay within the party and persist in undermining it – they will be expelled.



Arising as it does from the realities of life under an undemocratic liberal-globalist society means that the Party must be firmly united and closely-knit, organized differently from other parties which do oppose in various ways the very ideal of national independence. These parties support principles that underpin the present society; our ‘destiny’ is to fight these parties.


The unity of the Party arises from the devotion of the nationalists to the cause of the Nation. They regard this morally, as the most important cause for any Australian.


Each member has a responsibility to the Party to work for the interests of the Nation, to uphold Party policy and tactics, to put forward its views and defend it from all attacks, to help decide its policy and present views gained from experience and to build up the Party’s profile, membership and organization.


At the same time, the Party has a responsibility for its members, who represent the Party to the people among whom they work and live. This responsibility is to help educate the member to become a better fighter for cause of Australian independence and, assist in developing individual talents for leading the Australian people’s struggle wheresoever he is active.


Therefore, there are certain minimum conditions of membership which must be met by all members. These are set out in the Party constitution in a general way consistent with our registrations (in different jurisdictions of Australia as an electoral party and as an incorporated body). But there is a wider consideration established by the experience of the party.


Members should transcend their personal circumstances, to become activists who work for the cause they believe in. At the least, they should be pro- active in some way for the party’s cause.


Bound together by devotion to the Australianist ideal, members should work selflessly for the party’s progress as members of a team.


This co-operative consciousness lay at the core of the old Australian ideals reborn in our party. Applied to a  party, it is expressed as democratic centralism.




Democratic centralism combines two essential principles of organization — the widest democracy and a firm organization. Democratic centralism is “democracy under centralised leadership, and centralised leadership on the basis of democracy.”


The party has not arrived at this idea lightly. Quite the contrary. It is a product of the divisions and chaos which has held back other parties that have tried to build a movement for Australian national independence. These things are not contradictory principles when combined dynamically.


All leading committees in the Party shall be elected by the membership. But even more important than this, democratic centralism demands that leading committees of the Party should draw upon experiences of the branches.  The Australia First Party method of work is learning from the experiences of the broad movement over time and applying experience to new opportunities.


Every member has the right to express his views on Party policy and decisions. This is not only the right — it is the duty of all members. This is given reality by the opportunities for discussion of all policies and decisions.


The Constitution lays down that all documents to be discussed by the Party’s supreme body, the National Conference, must be circulated throughout the Party. Every effort is made to develop the fullest discussion and testing of the correctness of the proposals made. The decisions at Conference are arrived at democratically.




The Party generally and the leadership in particular must be composed of the most dedicated and devoted servants of the Australianist Ideal. The Party must win the respect and leadership of the people by its selfless work in defence of the immediate interests of the people and by the correctness of its policy in advancing the long-range political interests of the Nation.


This is a tiresome and difficult task, particularly where traitor class ideology is strongly entrenched. Patient day-to-day work is the only way to win and merit leadership.


The very nature of Australian society and the influence of liberal-globalist ideology make it inevitable that the whole people will not be conscious and active in the service of the Australianist ideal – for years. . Only in a time of acute political crisis will the great majority of the Australian People come into action. That time is approaching, but it is not here yet.


A serious party does not wait for such times of crisis, knowing that without a strong, experienced and firm party which has educated Australians, and established unbreakable links with Real Australians, the outcome of such a crisis can only be defeat.


Thus the Party works patiently to strengthen its support base amongst those elements of the producer classes who have already taken the path of resistance to globalism and who wish to refine their struggle.


The Party contributes by carefully seeking all the views of the people, studying these views and using the critical method to analyse them in the light of the economic and political situation in Australia and the world. The result of this analysis is expressed in the policies and decisions of the Party.


Those decisions are then applied by the Party in giving focus to the people’s struggles and are thus tested in practice.


This experience is further studied, decisions modified and changed, and again taken back to the working people. Right now, this process is in its infancy. Yet, it will develop over time. This is a continual process, repeated again and again, to educate the Australian People, develop the ability of the party to give leadership, and bind the Party and people firmly together as an invincible force for change.


Similarly, the Party needs leaders, responsible people who win their leadership by their ability, devotion and persistence in the cause.


Leaders are not born, but made, and they must be given the opportunity to develop, with assistance in political education, and the help of the whole party by both encouragement and criticism. A most important task of the people’s party is to develop a core of leaders, experienced and tested in long years of struggle, educated in the critical method.


Our principles of organization reject the bureaucratic method of work by leaders, with its refusal to learn from the membership. Certainly wrong is any attempt by any leader to exercise dictatorial control, or to initiate any cultic practises. Thankfully, such things to do not sit well with the Australian psyche and are sure to be combated if they ever appear.


Equally wrong is hostility to the conception of a centralised Party, with its decrying the need for leaders. This can be understandable because of the low quality of the leadership of some people in the different parties. However, without centralised publications, finance and ideological-political direction, the party cannot advance. The staff and the leaders must come up through the ranks, be persons known over time, as part of a cadre of persons, people who invite and receive the trust of their fellows.


A task of leadership is to encourage and train new leaders, assisting them to learn and be promoted in the Party, to gain experience and to grow in political stature.




 The leadership of the Australia First Party is a collective leadership, which brings into play all the talents, energies and wisdom of the whole Party. It is a truly democratic method of leadership.


Collective leadership means that all decisions on important matters are made by the Party sections (branches or committees) at properly constituted meetings and after full airing of all opinions.


Decisions cannot be made by individuals or a group of individuals without Party standing. No individual can claim or be conceded any monopoly of wisdom or power.


All these are important principles, but by no means all that is meant by collective leadership.


When properly applied, collective leadership expresses the true Australian  method of leadership, of collecting the views and learning from the people and taking back to the people the decisions made by the Party upon this basis.


Therefore the formal principles of collective leadership need to be given vigorous life by making sure all Party work is conducted on the principle of wide discussion and seeking out of opinions. Every Party meeting should be properly prepared, and opportunity given for all views to be heard and considered.


So far as possible, all important decisions should be made only after exhaustive consideration, before the meeting as well as at it.


Each member has the responsibility of submitting these views to their Party organisation, and helping to work out policy on the basis of these views. The wider the contact, the more varied the sorts of work the members of the Party organisation are acquainted with, the more firmly will policy and decisions be based upon reality.


After decisions are taken, they are in turn tested out by being applied.


Each member of the Party has responsibility to help in making policy and contributing to all decisions, as well as carrying them out. This is set out in the Party Constitution.


Collective leadership is the method by which these duties are carried out, it is the way in which the Party is kept in touch with reality and a correct policy is worked out. Mistakes are of course possible, and do occur, but collective leadership cuts down the number and seriousness of mistakes, and makes for their more rapid correction.


Collective leadership does not mean that no one has fixed responsibility. The task of the collective body is to make decisions on policy and organization, and to give specific jobs to individuals within the framework of those decisions.


Collective leadership includes business-like checking on decisions to make sure they have been carried out, and at the same time testing whether the decision is right or not.





The Australia First Party always studies the way its work is done, analyses its experience and learns from mistakes and weaknesses as well as from successes and strengths.


Strengthening the Party is carried out in the way all human knowledge is accumulated, that is, by engaging in practical work, studying the results of that work, and drawing general conclusions which are added to the store of knowledge, called theory. In turn, theory is applied in further practical work, and this again adds to knowledge.


A worker becomes skilled in his work by learning from his mistakes, analysing them and perfecting his skill; a scientist conducts experiments and draws conclusions from the results, often taking years to test his theory and also making many mistakes before reaching a correct solution. An apprentice gets help and criticism from the tradesman, and scientists exchange ideas and criticise theories in the interests of truth.


This process is called criticism and self-criticism. And we are all students of the Australianist ideal.


The Party is devoted to the cause of the Australian Nation and discusses its mistakes and shortcomings quite freely and openly, since this is a way to educate the Party and raises the Party’s prestige among the supporters rather than lowers it.


Similarly, individual Party members who make mistakes in policy or methods of work should not be concerned with personal prestige but with the interests of the party, with correcting those mistakes and becoming better nationalists.


Criticism and self-criticism is a duty of Party members, as well as a right. It must be properly carried out, at Party meetings and not in the form of gossip or idle chatter. Criticism should be constructive, with the aim of helping the Party and the individual, not to disrupt, or to further personal ambitions or feuds.


Members of leading Party committees have the main responsibility to set the example, drawing lessons from their own mistakes and shortcomings, adopting a correct attitude to criticism from others, and helping others to see weaknesses and shortcomings through constructive criticism.


The main purpose of criticism and self-criticism is to fight against all forms of improper and inappropriate practices and methods of work. It also enables us to criticise and correct wrong ways of thinking which do not study reality but are concerned with imposing preconceived ideas upon reality.


Criticism and self-criticism is a very important part of democratic centralism. It will contribute greatly to a vigorous democratic life in the Party.






The previous section describes how democratic centralism develops a wide and vigorous democracy in the Party. At the same time, democratic centralism welds the Party together, gives it discipline, solidarity and strength.

This is ensured by some organizational principles which are clear, simple and necessary.


First of all, the decisions of the majority are binding upon the minority. This is a simple democratic principle, adopted in most organisations.

The principle of majority rule is correct and necessary, otherwise the Party would not be able to work as a unified whole Therefore, once a decision is taken by the Party or any of its organisations, it is binding upon all members affected by it. Those who have, minority views must accept the majority decision and loyally carry it out. It is an unhelpful attitude only to carry out decisions with which one agrees; the interests of the party are greater than the individual.

Decisions of the whole Party or its leading bodies are binding upon all. The Australia First Party will not tolerate flouting of decisions, such as are commonplace in other parties.

This is a further example of the consistent, thorough-going democracy of the Australia First Party, which places all members no matter what their position, under the guidance, direction and control of the Party, and rejects the "right" of individuals to thumb their noses at Party decisions in the name of "freedom"

Proceeding from the principle of consciousness as the guarantee of unity and discipline, there shall be full and thorough discussion in the Party of all questions. Should there be differences of opinion, the Party seeks to convince those with differing minority views, and always sets out to obtain as many opinions as possible before even proposing a decision, let alone making one.

Nor are opinions arbitrarily forced upon individuals or the minority. On the contrary, the right to reserve one's opinion in case of disagreement with Party decisions is expressly secured providing the decision is carried out and proper channels used to seek the change of any decision believed to be wrong. However, this right to reserve opinions does not mean the right to disagree with the principles of Party policy as decided by the Party as a whole.

The Constitution safeguards the individual right to disagree with any decision and to seek a change.


Party unity is a great source of strength, and this is reinforced by the fact that there cannot be any factions in the Party. That is, no dissident groups are allowed to set up their own organisation within the Party, publish their own journals, or advocate a policy in opposition to the policy decided by the Party.

There will always be differences of opinion about policy, methods of work and organization within the Party. The conflict of ideas is a source of strength, not weakness, if it is properly conducted. In any conflict of opinion, the approach of all concerned must be to reach a decision which is in the best interests of the Party, and to accept the decision when it is finally made.

Negative Influences such as selfish, personal aims, hostility to opposing individuals, extreme rancour against divergent views, should all be criticised and rejected.

Democratic centralism calls for unqualified acceptance of majority rule, prohibits backstairs manoeuvrings and faction­alism, and lays down the method of conducting the conflict of ideas.

Democratic centralism lays down the rule that decisions of the Party must be obeyed, that lower Party bodies should carry out the decisions of higher bodies, and that in the case of differences of opinion the higher body's opinion must prevail.


This organizational principle is necessary to meet the needs of the struggle so the Party can always act as a united body, working on one national policy.

In applying this principle in practice, great care should be taken that full initiative is given to the responsible body on the spot, that decisions are not arbitrarily imposed, and that all views are carefully studied before arriving at decisions. It is necessary too, to take into account local electoral and community policy as secure the party its popular base.

Higher Party bodies must seek the opinions of the lower bodies, studying these views and the local situation before making de­cisions.

Lower Party bodies must submit their views on important questions of policy, supplying full facts to help the leading body make its decisions.

If the lower body considers that a higher committee's decision should be modified to suit local conditions, it should submit its views and the reasons for them. In such a case the higher committee must discuss these views with the lower body and consider these views before making a decision.


After this is done, the decision of the higher body prevails.


This situation is also guaranteed by the Constitution of the party which allows for local (usually electoral) policy to be developed which accords with the Eight Core Policies of the party and which implies local implementation.





The unity of the Australia First Party will become a powerful sentiment, which draws its main strength from the consciousness of its members. At the same time, the Party must have its code of behaviour and discipline, so as to enforce its decisions.


This discipline will of course be misrepresented and slandered by the Party’s opponents. But Party discipline is conscious, acceptable to its members because they are united in a noble cause. Because they are volunteers in the struggle, there is a great difference between Australian discipline and the discipline imposed by the state with its threats and acts of intimidation.


Precisely because it is consciously accepted and understood, the discipline of nationalists is firmer and more binding than any other. We are the only party in Australia today with a true and noble cause. We serve the generations of the dead who gave us our identity and our soul and the generations unborn who will revere the struggle we undertook.


The disciplinary powers of the Party are set out in Rule 6 of the Constitution: this can include; reprimand; removal from assigned work; suspension from official positions and/or from attending Party meetings, pending investigation of charges; removal from office; expulsion from the Party.


The most extreme step, expulsion from the Party, is taken only in cases of deliberate acts against the nationalist cause, or after all steps have been taken to correct anti-Party activity.




The Australia First Party’s structure will be built up in conformity with the principle of democratic centralism.


The basic organisation is the Party branch. There are two main types of branches: locality and community. A Branch Manual has been published to guide them in their specific functions.


Locality branches are organized by a number of members in a suburb, country town or other area. The local branch takes part in all movements of the people in the locality, and builds its connections with all the bodies they set up to advance their interests. The locality branch puts forward party policy and builds up party influence and organization.


The community branch is formed of a number of members working in a factory, or other workplace, or university, or other educational institution, or at some point of community contact between the party and people.


The party branches shall be developed as the direct link between the Party and the Australian people, and give leadership to their struggles and a voice to their concerns.


A Party could not exist without organised active branches. At the same time, branches alone cannot form a unified Party — they must be welded together through a common ideology and politics.


These questions are all worked out and decided by the National Conference. The National Council is elected to carry out Conference decisions, and is the political leadership of the Australia First Party between Conferences. It therefore has rights vis a vis the Party branches and members. It is the product of democracy and then exercises authority; it may (indeed must) continually consult, but it may make binding decisions.


The Conference and the National Council make broad policy decisions, which are applied by the branches in accordance with local conditions.


To fit the political, economic and geographic situation, the Party has State Committees which apply the national policy to conditions in each State, and give leadership to the branches in the State.


Where necessary and desirable, the State is divided into areas, where policy is again applied to the special conditions of a place. The Constitution covers issues of these ‘Zones’ which may need to form as the party expands.


Zones are divided into areas, covering a number of branches (both locality and community).


In every case all Party bodies are elected.


The officials of the branch are elected. The branches elect delegates to other conferences, which elect the delegates.


District conferences elect the district committee and delegates to state conference.


Thus, at all stages, democracy is fully practised; the membership determines policy and elects those they consider the most capable, devoted and energetic leaders.


The process of Party leadership, elected from below, works downwards again, from the National, State, Zone and Branch committees to the members of branches, applying the methods of leadership described earlier.



The Party’s main work is the work it does among the Real Australians, its mass work. The Party is concerned with everything that concerns them, and it will take part in every movement, struggle and action, resources permitting, in which the people seek to advance their interests. Of course, it also develops special campaigns of its own.


Nationalists regard no community issue as unimportant, and will throw themselves into every struggle or movement with energy. Their aim is two-fold. First, it is to help win the demand or aim of the movement, whether it be a defence of the right of labour to organize, or a job condition, the struggle to defend jobs and industries (such as the trucking industry of recent times and the Australian beef industry and so on), or a local issue such as opposition to fines, the destruction of an area of cultural significance, or whether it be a state or nationwide movement, such as that in defence of Australian industries or opposition to New World Order wars.


The second aim is to lift the level of those taking part in the movement, to help people see the relationship between the partial demand (affecting only a section) and the general struggle for Australia’s identity, independence and freedom. This has two sides. Every individual movement must be considered in its relation to the struggle as a whole, according to the conditions at that time and the place it is waged.


In “representing the interests of the future” in any movement, the Party is concerned with showing that the struggle for certain popular demands is a constant one, and that the struggle for national independence is the final solution to the thousand-fold problems of life under the current liberal-globalist regime.. The nationalists must work to strengthen the confidence of the working people in their political power and the need for all Real Australians to unite against the current system.


The main concern of the nationalists is to develop unity in action. All movements for winning immediate demands for reforms (as we will do with truckies, farmers, students, unemployed) can succeed only through united action, and we must ceaselessly proclaim this truth and work for its realization.


This is the essence of mass work: that breadth and flexibility in uniting with diverse elements in pursuit of progressive aims held in common is combined with tireless exposition and advocacy of the struggle for national independence


Where the Party works in this way, not only do the people win demands and become more politically conscious, but the Party also grows in prestige, numbers and organization, since the role of the Party is clearly seen.





The Three Tier Method of operation is special to the Australia First Party. It means that campaigns may be focused to build Party organization at any given moment. It is the Australia First Party position that any electoral work would remain ineffective without the other tiers of operation. We state this specifically because of the prevalence of only electoral work as the pathway for the survivors of other patriotic parties. We do not share this approach.

These campaigns conceived in the Three Tier Method will operate at Branch, Federal Electoral Division, State Committee, and National levels.  We must co-ordinate and manage all the electoral and community and cultural campaigns of the Party into a synthetic stream.

It is the Australia First Party position that any electoral work would remain ineffective without the other tiers of operation. The three tier method involves electoral, community and cultural-ideological elements of struggle.

The electoral effort involves all levels of government including local elections where the Party can campaign upon local questions and enrol local people. The Federal effort involves developing mass propaganda on national questions and any local issues that mobilize people.

The street-level community movement concept involved in the past, and still involves now, an appearance of the Party 'being everywhere'. In order to do that, the party is obliged to paste bills and post adhesives, pass out leaflets, run street stalls, contest student and union elections, be present in factories, workplaces, schools and universities, organize demonstrations and appear in the media. It follows - inevitably - that there will be some physical confrontation.

The street movement was part of all successful Australian political strategies of the past. We need only think of the Labour (Labor) Party of the period 1891 - 1940. We need only recall the strong influences of Australian communism which - whatever we may think of its ideology – was an effective movement. We are amazed - and appalled - that the so-called patriotic leaderships do not even consider it. Is it they don't know? Or is it they cannot see? Or they do know and turn elsewhere? Whatever we conclude, it is a strategic failing of the first order. We state openly that we intend to re-build this option. We will do it consciously and with application. If the reactionaries who claim to be in our camp don't like it, then they will be taught in public that there is a new player, with new methods and ideas, ready to break their moulds in the service of the Australian People and Nation.

What does this mean in simple terms? Party sections need to know their geographic or other social area. If they are a geographic section (eg. a branch centred on a district or area of a city), they need to know the topography well. Where are the schools, social security offices, main shopping centres? Where are the railway stations, bus stops, housing areas? All this means the party can find the best ways of approaching people with leaflets and posters etc. We need to know what are the local newspapers, who are our local opponents and which organisations can be expected to campaign against us. We must learn the council boundaries and the local issues - and yes, take the area politicians into account. It is all about sinking roots amongst the people. It is not all about getting 'candidates'. If the party sections are in a social setting (eg. in a university), the organizers must know the campus lay-out and how to best paste posters and hand out flyers. We would need to know the organisations that oppose us and which associations and fraternities to quietly 'infiltrate'. A careful study of suitable literature would be done and students approached, keeping their connections with the party concealed from the enemy groups on campus. Issues would develop for the student union elections. Most importantly, we would appear as a new movement of intellectual opinion - as the Labour Party or the Communist Party were in an earlier epoch.

Our plan implies that branches of the party no longer conceive of themselves as utilities in the service of vote-gathering, but rather as 'agitational' structures. We must locate issues (a factory closure, an environment question, a development matter, a crime problem, ethnic ghettoisation and anti-Australian racism .... the list is endless) and research those issues. From that research must emerge a local propaganda. The questions are of course 'national' matters, but we must identify them as subjects directly in front of, and affecting, the citizen locally. We point out that our party must possess a general policy for local government and a changing issue-politics; in other words, we have core principles and related material taken up as occasion permits and as in accordance with our core purposes.

This local propaganda must be directed to obtain local media exposure and to 'harass' local officials, councillors and politicians. Most of all, it must intensify and develop local organization. The aim of the party is not simply to acquire more members on paper, but to assemble larger networks of friends and sympathizers who agree with this or that campaign or policy and who may be prepared to assist the party on this basis. On occasion, this agitation may affect the odd decision of local government or even intensify the 'division' over some local question. This is together, the very definition of Community Action politics.

The reader will see that the old way was the ‘dumbing down’ of our politics. The new way is 'trading up'. It is obvious to the reader that our members and supporters can, indeed should, act as information-gatherers. This means that, by attuning themselves to their local area or social setting, they start to see things, observe people, issues, potentials. Everyone can now participate in the struggle. Anyone, from the oldest member to the youngest, from the ordinary person to the professional, can report to his Party committee on these things. And everyone can thence be employed to do something to change the way things are. This method would unleash a huge quantum of energy, energy now wasted in the monthly meeting that discusses the next election!

The cultural struggle involves (particularly) local defence and honouring of areas of native-Australian cultural significance. The non maintenance of ANZAC Memorials, or the construction of a road that covers an area of historical significance to European settlement etc are all things of concern. Local branches can liaise with community and other organisations in cultural defence.

The defence of Australian heritage is also an ideological question and leads to discussion of Australian nationalist history and ideas. The Party must aim to inculcate into its members an awareness of Australianist principles, ideas and attitudes that they may reach out to other Australians.




The Australia First Party works to increase its influence over community groups and people in people in their economic and social setting. In that regard, the party will work with combative groups that represent Real Australia. Such groups are vitally important in that they can serve people directly in defending their industries or interests while the party contributes its overall strategic vision, activism and special resources. This might be called mass work.


Nonetheless, the Party also conducts its own independent work. The party has conducted public awareness campaigns against visa labour, election campaigns, forums and defended the youth involved in the Civil Uprising at Cronulla in December 2005.


That is what is meant by the independent work of the Australia First Party, which is an indispensable part of its overall work. The Party takes up its own stand on all issues, and work to win support for the Party policy, while co-operating with all people and organisations on mutually-accepted aims and programs.


It is vital that the Party’s ideas reach the people. The members are encouraged to distribute leaflets, paste posters and adhesives, attend community meetings and distribute the broadsheet Audacity!


The Party also publishes booklets and other information, distributes DVD’s and has Web Sites.


Members are encouraged to write for Party publications and develop skills.




The Australia First Party engages in all the struggles of the people and fights against liberal- globalism in all spheres of national, social and cultural life. The work of the Party cannot be carried on without money, nor is most of its money spent at election times. The Party needs a regular flow of finance, sufficient to maintain and expand its structure and influence.


Because of its aims, policy and principles, the Australia First Party cannot expect support from the wealthy. It can receive, as do other parties “public funding” of its election campaigns, but it must rely upon other funding to sustain its organized activity.


The Australia First Party depends for its money upon one source — the people. Party finance comes from the self-sacrificing donations of its members and supporters, in the form of donations, direct and at meetings and functions.


It is an important part of the work of Nationalists to raise money for the Party, and it is an important political act to ask for and receive money from the people.



The decision to create this Party to serve the Australian People was a great step forward. The Australia First Party must now be built across Australia, professionally, in breadth and depth. It can only be built by a new man and woman who are neither intimidated by physical threat nor by the psychic abuse of media and other propaganda. It is these new activists who act in the name of Australia’s sacred dead, from Eureka Stockade, to ANZAC, to Kokoda, to win national independence for Australia.

Members should know that this is the most selfless of service. The Party pledges to surmount all obstacles and win victory.




Readers who wish to study the party’s principles of organization more deeply are recommended to read:


1. The Constitution And Rules of Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated.

2. The Branch Activities Manual

3. The Australia First Starter Kit

4. Audacity!